Hon Samuel Abdulai Jinapor
Damongo

Mr Speaker, I thank you, most sincerely, for the opportunity to make this important statement, at this crucial time of international geopolitics and trade wars.

Mr Speaker, the past few years have witnessed significant changes in global politics. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore the necessity of balancing national interests with foreign policies and international obligations. Nations across the world had to make decisions with far-reaching implications on relations with other nations, including closure of borders, imposition of travel bans on people from certain countries, and, in some cases, mandatory testing and quarantine of persons traveling from certain jurisdictions—

Mr Speaker, then came the RussiaUkraine war, which divided nations, with some countries supporting a United Nation’s Resolution condemning the invasion of Ukraine, while others voted against or abstained. While we were still struggling to deal with this matter, the long-standing dispute between Israel and Palestine was revived, again, resulting in divisions among states. And since the beginning of this year, Mr Speaker, the new policy direction of the Government of the United States of America towards other nations, including the mass deportation of migrants, which has affected hundreds of our citizens; the imposition of trade tariffs on foreign goods; the withdrawal from important global agreements and organisations, including the momentous Paris Agreement; and the threat to take over certain foreign jurisdictions, are causing several shifts in international politics and trade.

Indeed, we have experienced the impact of these policies ourselves, particularly with the freeze on foreign aid, which has compelled us to revise our strategy to bridge the financing gap arising from the suspension of United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) international funding programme.

Mr Speaker, it is in times like this that we must, as a country, rise to defend the core values of our foreign policy to secure the well-being of our citizens, protect and safeguard the territorial integrity of our country, encourage foreign investment, and position our country as a global force in this changing world, in accordance with the dictates of our national Constitution. It is in this spirit that I make this important statement.

Mr Speaker, according to the American scholar of international politics, Prof W. Scott Thompson, foreign policy is something more than the statement of a government’s international intentions. Foreign policy is the combination of statecraft and statesmen, negotiation and diplomats, and of all the constituent elements used to project a nation’s image and safeguard its interests abroad.

Mr Speaker, according to Phillip Alan Reynolds, such policies are not made in vacuum but are made in relation to other bodies similarly acting in the global arena. They are influenced by several factors such as history, security, trade, ideological inclinations, political interest, leadership and national interest. The case of Ghana, Mr Speaker, is not different. Our foreign policy did not just emerge at the dawn of independence, but is the result of several historical factors, and has developed through a systematic process predating our independence. Indeed, Ghana’s approach towards regional integration, dates far back before our independence.

As early as the 1900s, our forebears, including the renowned author and educator, Jospeh Ephraim Casely Hayford, and the revered and astute lawyer, Joseph Boakye Danquah, advocated for a United West Africa, which they envisaged will “take her true part among the nations of the earth.” Our first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah, building on this, called for a United Africa, re-echoed in the oft-quoted phrase in his independence speech that: “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.” In his address to the first Ghanaian diplomats, popularly referred to as the Group 10 (G10), Dr Kwame Nkrumah, who is said to have been greatly influenced by the philosophy and ideas of celebrated Pan-Africanists, Marcus Mosiah Garvey and William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, made it clear that one of the key components of Ghana’s foreign policy is for Ghana to lead the decolonisation of the entire African continent and unite it.

We were joined by the likes of Guinea, Mali, Morocco, and the then United Arab Republic (now Egypt), to advocate for a systematic change in Africa’s international relations towards a United States of Africa. Since then, Pan-Africanism and regional integration have been an integral part of our nation’s foreign policy. In addition to a united Africa, good neighbourliness has, always, been a key feature of Ghana’s foreign policy. As a respected member of the United Nations, we have committed, under the United Nations Charter, to “live together in peace with one another as good neighbours.”

Indeed, Mr Speaker, good neighbourly relations are not just imperative for national security but a necessary lever for economic cooperation and the realisation of other foreign policy objectives. It is for this reason that all Ghanaian governments, since independence, have maintained good neighbourliness as a core objective of our foreign policy.

Mr Speaker, in today’s globalised world, maintaining good neighbour relations go beyond our geographical neighbours. There are those neighbours who do not directly share borders with us, but who may, in one way or another, impact or be impacted by our actions and inactions. Such nations remain our neighbours, irrespective of geographical distance.

Mr Speaker, permit me to borrow the often-cited words of Lord Atkin, in the celebrated English case of Donoghue v Stevenson, where he rightly stated that our neighbours are: “[nations] who are so closely and directly affected by [our] act that [we] ought reasonably to have them in contemplation as being affected when [we are] directing [our] minds to the acts or omissions which are called in question.” This, obviously, goes beyond mere geographical proximity.

Outside the continent, Mr Speaker, throughout the struggle for independence, our founders had maintained “positive neutralism” as the fulcrum of our foreign policy. Shortly after independence, then Prime Minister Dr Nkrumah, writing for the American Journal, Foreign Affairs, in 1958, while acknowledging the historical ties between Ghana and the West, emphasised our long-held policy of nonalignment. As he explained in the article titled African Prospect: “There are, above all, three traits that should be stressed… The first is our desire to see Africa free and independent. The second is our determination to pursue foreign policies based upon non-alignment. The third is our urgent need for economic development.” Successive Ghanaian governments have strived to stay true to this policy, ensuring that we are friends of all nations, and enemies to none.

Mr Speaker, another core value of our foreign policy that has been given constitutional backing is national interest. Scholars have argued that Dr Kwame Nkrumah’s quest for an ideological clamour to our foreign policy affected his objective view of our actual national interest. As Peter Omari bluntly puts it: “Nkrumah sacrificed Ghana on the altar of Pan-Africanism.” Others have vehemently held a contrary view, and the jury is still out there on this matter. It was for this reason that the framers of the 1969 Constitution inserted article 57 which enjoined Ghanaian Governments to, while conducting its international affairs in consonance with accepted principles of international law and diplomacy, do so “in a manner consistent with the national interests of Ghana.” This provision was repeated in article 11 of the 1979 Constitution, and now Articles 40(a) and 73 of our current Constitution.

Today, Mr Speaker, these two provisions of our national Constitution constitutes the bedrock of our foreign policy, which includes the promotion and protection of national interest, the establishment of a just and equitable international economic order, respect for international law and treaty obligations, peaceful settlement of international disputes, and adherence to the objectives and principles of multinational organisations such as the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Commonwealth.

Mr Speaker, the Constitution does not define national interest, and even though the Supreme Court has been careful in not prescribing what is in the public interest, it has, on one occasion, taken the view that Article 35(2) provides a good guide on what is in the national interest. For anything to be in the national interest, therefore, such actions must “protect and safeguard the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ghana, and seek the wellbeing of her citizens.” Closely related to national interest is economic diplomacy, which ensures that we organise our international relations in a manner that attracts foreign assistance and investment for the development of our nation.

Even though it has always been part of our foreign policy, economic diplomacy became more prominent in Ghana’s foreign policy in the 1980s. Indeed, the pundits have argued that, since the end of the cold war, economic imperatives have become the main determinant of Ghana’s foreign policy, making institutions outside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, such as the Ministry of Finance, the Bank of Ghana and other international financial institutions play pivotal roles in Ghana’s foreign policy formulation.

Mr Speaker, despite the convergence of minds on the core objectives of our foreign policy, governments, under different leadership, have pursued these policies differently, leading to some degree of inconsistency. This is because individual leaders are very powerful in shaping a nation’s foreign policy. Their ideas, worldview, knowledge, attitudes, skills, likes and dislikes are key determinants of our foreign policies.

For instance, studies have shown that our approach towards regional integration has moved from rapid political unification in the early days of our independence to what is now known as functional economic integration, evident in our capital city playing host to the consequential Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), while our relations with our neighbours have moved from a tensed and antagonistic one to a more cordial and collaborative approach. Our non-alignment policy is also said to have moved from militant non-alignment to modest and minimalist commitment to alignment, with different Governments showing pro-West or proEast tendencies.

Nonetheless, Mr Speaker, we cannot leave our foreign policy entirely to the whims and wishes of an individual. Recent events across the globe have revealed the imminent danger in such an approach. We must, therefore, stay true to the core values and objectives of our foreign policy as have been developed over the years and as enshrined in our national Constitution.

Today, Mr Speaker, we are faced with the issue of military takeovers in the three countries to our northern border, namely Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, and their recent breakaway from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to form a new bloc called, the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

Mr Speaker, undoubtedly, events in these countries are likely to impact us, and it is imperative that we engage the leaders of these nations and work with the international community to deal with this delicate matter. While promoting good neighbourliness even in these times, which is exhibited in continuous free movement of goods and people between us and these countries, despite their exit from ECOWAS, we must not lose sight of our constitutional obligation to respect and adhere to the principles, aims and ideals of the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and ECOWAS which include the promotion of democratic principles, institutions and culture, respect for human rights, as well as the rule of law and good governance.

We must work with them to urgently transition to a democratic dispensation. Outside the continent, our voices must be heard on the Russia-Ukraine war, as well as the Israel-Palestine conflict. We remain non-aligned. But as our first President said, “non-alignment does not imply indifference to the great issues of our day. It does not imply isolationism”. The Russia-Ukraine war has already entered its third year and its effects on the global economy and developing economies like ours are evident for us all to see.

We must be bold to call out those whose actions and inactions led to this war and continue to fuel it or impede a peace deal. We cannot keep quiet while people continue to die in the Gaza Strip. By the same token, it is absolutely barbaric for innocent people, particularly children, to be killed in cold blood in Israel, as shamefully occurred on 7th October, 2023, or for the state of Israel to continue to exist under insecurity. We must be heard on the ongoing exchanges of missiles between Israel and Iran. We must not look on for powerful states to exploit this situation to annex foreign jurisdictions or as they put it, “to take over foreign territories.”

We are enjoined by Article 40 of our Constitution to promote respect for international law, including the international law principle of uti possidetis juris which seeks to protect the territorial integrity of sovereign states and prevent the altering of international boundaries. Both the article 2 of the United Nations Charter and the United Nations Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States prohibit the acquisition of territories by threats or use of force. Indeed, this principle has assumed what practitioners of public international law refer to as jus cogens, which means it is so fundamental that no derogation is permitted.

Mr Speaker, we must rise up and speak against the inhumane treatment of foreign nationals by other nations, including the mistreatment and mass deportations currently taking place in the United States of America. Coincidentally, the African Union just concluded its 38th Ordinary Session on the theme, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations”.

Mr Speaker, while consistent calls for reparations for historical injustice go unheeded, it is unacceptable for our people who are victims of this historical injustice to continue to be treated in this manner by the same people who have contributed to their plight.

Mr Speaker, also, it cannot be acceptable for powerful states who have historically contributed to the climate crisis, who even, today, continue to be the major contributors to this climate phenomenon, and who, over the years, have failed to honour their commitments to contribute financially to tackle the climate crisis to resile from international agreements aimed at protecting planet earth and future generations. We must call out such nations and ensure that we all work together towards a common future.

Mr Speaker, just as great leaders are made in times of adversity, great nations are made in times of difficulties. As a respected member of the international community, we must make our voices heard on these important international matters. It is undeniable, Mr Speaker, that external economic assistance continues to impact our foreign policies, tilting them one way or the other. But we cannot, as a country, sacrifice our goals and aspirations for economic assistance. That is why we must continue to work to diversify our economy and promote a self-reliant Ghana to ensure adherence to the core values of our foreign policy without fear of economic crisis.

Mr Speaker, the international system is inherently dynamic and our foreign policy formulation must be equally adaptable. A developing country like ours should pursue a foreign policy that meets both domestic and international goals and favours all actors in the international community. And on this note, let me conclude, Mr Speaker, by paying a glowing tribute to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of our country who have worked tirelessly over the years to promote the foreign policy objectives of Ghana.

Mr Speaker, I refer to
• Dr Kwame Nkrumah who served as Ghana’s first Foreign Minister from 1957 to 1958 and later from 1962 to 1963;
• Ebenezer Kojo Botsio who served from 1958 to 1959 and from 1963 to 1965;
• Ako Adjei, a member of the Big Six, who served as Foreign Minister from 1959 to 1960, and 1961 to 1962;
• Alhaji Imoru Egala who served in the First Republic as Foreign Minister from 1960 to 1961;
• Alex Quaisson-Sackey who served from 1965 to 1966;
• Lt General Joseph Arthur Ankrah who served as Head of State and concurrently as Foreign Minister from 1966 to 1967;
• John Willie Kofi Harley, the first Inspector General of Police, who doubled as Foreign Minister from 1967 to 1968;
• Patrick Dankwa Anin, the first Foreign Minister in the Second Republic in 1969;
• Victor Owusu, the lawyer and politician who served as Foreign Minister from 1969 to 1971;
• William Ofori-Atta, another member of the Big Six, who served as Foreign Minister from 1971 to 1972;
• Major General Nathan Apea Aferi, the Chief of Defence Staff, who doubled as Foreign Minister in 1972;
• Colonel Kwame R. M. Baah who served as Foreign Minister from 1972 to 1975;
• Colonel Roger Joseph Atogetipoli Felli, a member of the National Redemption Council (NRC), who served as Foreign Minister from 1975 to 1979;
• Isaac Kodwo Chinebuah, the distinguished academic, who served as Foreign Minister from 1979 to 1981;
• Dr Obed Yao Asamoah, the longest serving Foreign Minister of Ghana from 1982 to 1997;
• Prof Kwamena Ahwoi who served as acting Foreign Minister in 1997;
• James Victor Gbeho who served as Foreign Minister from 1997 to 2001;
• Hackman Owusu Agyeman who served as Foreign Minister from 2001 to 2003;
• the distinguished and outstanding statesman of our country, former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, who served as Foreign Minister from 2003 to 2007;
• Hon Akwasi Osei Adjei who served as Foreign Minister from 2007 to 2009;
• Mohammed Mumuni who served as Foreign Minister from 2009 to 2013;
• the United Nation’s SecretaryGeneral’s Special Representative for Libya and Head of United Nations’ Support Mission in Libya, H. E. Hanna Serwaa Tetteh who served from 2013 to 2017; and
• the new Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, Hon Shirley Ayorkor Botchway, who served from 2017 to 2025.

Mr Speaker, while honouring our past Foreign Ministers, it is fitting to, once again, warmly congratulate our new Minister for Foreign Affairs and Member of Parliament for North Tongu, Hon Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, and urge him on to work tirelessly with integrity and courage to lift the flag of Ghana high on the international stage as the true Black Star of Africa.

I thank you Mr Speaker.

Hon James Agalga
Builsa North

Mr Speaker, I thank you for the opportunity. Let me commend my Brother, Hon Samuel Abdulai Jinapor, for beating us to such an elaborate Statement on the foreign policy of Ghana.

Mr Speaker, there is no doubt in my mind that the foreign policy of Ghana has been one of non-alignment since independence, and this position has been very consistent, except that, from time to time, various governments have adopted a certain posture which, on the face of it, may suggest a departure from our nonaligned status. But that core principle which undergirds our foreign policy objectives has really never changed.

Mr Speaker, the maker of the Statement alluded to what some academic said in putting out a statement on a foreign policy. If my memory serves me right, he said that one academic—I did not get the name right, but he said that ‘‘Kwame Nkrumah sacrificed Ghana on the altar of Pan-Africanism’’. This is a direct quote from the Statement ably made by learned Brother, Hon Abu Jinapor.

But Mr Speaker, I want to disagree with the academic who made this Statement which has now become the subject of a quotation by my learned Brother, Hon Abu Jinapor. The history does not support this statement at all. Dr Kwame Nkrumah was very clear from day one. In fact, when he moved the motion of destiny before Parliament, what he intended to do with respect to the independence movement and his aspirations were very clear.

In fact, when he declared independence at the Old Polo Grounds, once again, his intentions were very clear. Now the question to ask is, did Ghana, did the citizenry of this country endorse Kwame Nkrumah’s foreign policy initiatives which found expression in the Pan-Africanism concept that Dr Kwame Nkrumah developed? The answer is, the overwhelming majority of Ghanaians endorsed the Pan-Africanism concept that Dr Kwame Nkrumah canvassed for. So, when he moved the motion for independence, even though today the forebears of those who opposed the motion for independence, some of them are in this House, the motion received overwhelming approval and the Hansard would bear me out.

In fact, when Dr Kwame Nkrumah eventually declared independence at the Old Polo Grounds, Mr Speaker, if you watch the videos, you would see how the crowd cheered him on. That crowd was representative of the overwhelming majority of Ghanaians. They endorsed Pan-Africanism and what was PanAfricanism all about? Pan-Africanism found expression in Dr Kwame Nkrumah’s famous statement, and I quote him: ‘‘The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African Continent’’.

So, anybody believes that it was proper for us as Ghanaians to be independent while our neighbours in Angola would continue to be entangled in the shackles of colonialism, or it was proper for Ghana alone to be independent while our brothers in Guinea struggled to free themselves from the shackles of colonialism, and the French colonial administration decided to take away even phone lines, rail tracks, pencils, and typewriters. Some people expected that Ghana should have folded its hands and allowed our brothers in Guinea to perish because they had dared to free themselves from the shackles of colonialism.

Mr Speaker, Dr Kwame Nkrumah rose to the occasion and rightfully advanced an amount of £10 million pounds at the time. It was a grant so that the independence of Guinea would work. That was Pan-Africanism. How can anybody in his right frame of mind say that Dr Kwame Nkrumah, when he embarked on those steps to safeguard the independence of Guinea, sacrificed Ghana on the altar of Pan-Africanism? That is where I disagree with that particular statement.

Mr Speaker, having said so, I want to point out once again that following the collapse of the Soviet Union, prior to the collapse itself, the world order was bipolar world politics so, we spoke about bipolarity at the time as the world order. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States became a hegemon sort of, so we started talking about unipolar world politics. That became the world order. The maker of the Statement has made it very clear, following America’s own imposition of tariffs, the deportation of citizens of various nationalities resident in the United States, the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the Israel-Iran war, and so many other developments. It is very clear that the days of—

Two minutes, Mr Speaker. The world order now, in fact, unofficially, is multipolar in nature. The centres of global power have shifted. The United States of America is not the global hegemon that it used to be. Today, China is rising and India is also rising. We are talking about a resurgent Russia, so the centres of global power are beginning to shift, and Ghana must align very well.

To conclude, Mr Speaker, the maker of the Statement alluded to the eruption of military coups in the Sahel and the eventual breakaway of the alliance of Sahel States, and then he actually admonished that Ghana needs to properly recalibrate its relations with those states so that we can continue to have free trade relations with those States and can continue to have free trade relations with those States. I congratulate him on making such a Statement.

To conclude, Mr Speaker, just to draw the attention of the maker of the Statement, that H. E. President Mahama has taken steps in that regard. A special envoy has been appointed to enhance relations between Ghana and the alliance for Sahel States.

I thank you for the opportunity, Mr Speaker.

Hon Nana Asafo-Adjei Ayeh
Bosome Freho

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I would also want to commend the maker of the Statement for such elaborate and extensive details and a chronology of Ghana’s journey when it comes to our international diplomacy and foreign policy.

Mr Speaker, a quick one; I want to also state that it must be on record that the maker of the Statement is not against Pan-Africanism, no? Mr Speaker, What the maker of the Statement read, which is an academic work and quoted Peter Omare, blatantly putting it in 1970 in a book, “The Anatomy of African Dictatorship”. Nkrumah sacrificed Ghana on the altar of Pan-Africanism. Others have vehemently held a contrary view, and the jury is out there on this matter.

Mr Speaker, I think that must be placed on record, and still, today, the jury is out there on this particular matter. Mr Speaker, the maker of the Statement, again, took us through a litany of distinguished individuals, who have held the mantle of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs and international diplomacy, and all of them have had one common interest. Their interest is to project the image of Ghana in the international space.

Mr Speaker, successfully, they have all been able to achieve that through strict diplomacy in it sense. Quite currently, we have had a few tests of our resolve as a country in our diplomatic circles. First among these tests was the closure of the embassy in Washington. We have still been waiting for an opportunity to hear the Minister respond to some of these issues on the floor of Parliament, clearing all issues that Parliament needs to know.

Mr Speaker, we think that position was the height of it that particularly Ghana, can go by closing our diplomatic platform in such a very important key strategic district like Washington. I can tell you that it is even part of the reasons Ghana has been highlighted as part of the countries that the U.S. even wants to ban. Because Mr Speaker, diplomacy is not propaganda. Diplomacy is not eyeserving. Diplomacy requires negotiations. Diplomacy requires backchannel talks. Diplomacy requires consultation. So, it is important.

Mr Speaker, again, the recent Morocco-Sahara Republic issue. On the global market Again, on the Morocco-Sahara Republic issue. Ghana and the erstwhile President about leaving office made a profound statement and communicated same to the two respective countries. Mr Speaker, what did we see? We saw the Minister for Foreign Affairs of our country going to Saharawi to assure them of their support and commitment and ensuring the sovereignty of the Western Sahara.

Mr Speaker, then coming back to Morocco, again, to assure Morocco of our commitment, of our support, of their plan in keeping Western Sahara. Mr Speaker, on the international front, it leaves a whole lot of confusion and chaos as to where we stand, what our position is, and what we intend to do with our current ministry.

Mr Speaker, the next one, because of my time, is the Israel and Iran issue. I saw a publication from the Ministry clearly indicating an evacuation notice for Iran, without an evacuation notice for Israel. Mr Speaker, justifiably, the intelligence unit of Iran or Tehran that has been hit is close to the ambassadorial area, and that is understandable that he would evacuate every embassy around that area.

Mr Speaker, when it comes to Israel, Israel has three strong defence shields. They have the Iron Dome defence shield, the David's Sling defence shield, and the Arrowhead defence shield. Mr Speaker, all these defence shields have been breached by Iran, yet we have not seen any evacuation plan for the good people of Iran. Mr Speaker, the Iranians have signalled the Israelis in Tel Aviv that they should evacuate.

Mr Speaker, it is important that some of these things are part of our international foreign policy issues and must be stated. Mr Speaker, let me wind up. To wind up, I want to add that Ghana has put in a lot of efforts to gain the global recognition that we have in this world, which is the reason we must guard against our international relations policy and diplomacy tactics well.

Mr Speaker, with these few words, I want to support and congratulate the maker of the Statement for making this very solid and lucid Statement.

Thank you.